Douglas Goes to Congress

On the chill morning in November 1843 that he left his rented
home at Third and York in Quincy for Washington, D.C., 30-year-old Stephen A.
Douglas checked to make sure he had with him his prized possession. It was his “Certificate
of Election to the U.S. House of Representatives,” which Illinois Secretary of
State Thompson Campbell had signed to verify his election over Quincy lawyer
Orville Hickman Browning in August. It was the credential he would need to be
seated a U.S. representative when the 28th Congress convened in
December.
Browning had represented the
Whig Party and Douglas the Democrats in that election. It was considered the
hardest-fought campaign of the seven congressional races in Illinois that year.
For 40 days beginning in mid-June to the election on August 7, they traveled
together, dined together, lodged together, and debated each other daily for up
to five hours. At Browning’s insistence, Sundays were excluded.
Their joint debates extended
over the 11 counties of the Fifth Congressional District, Illinois’ largest, in
Western Illinois. Each man considered the other formidable. They had known each
other since they served in the Tenth General Assembly at Vandalia in 1835 and
1836. Along with state representatives Abraham Lincoln and John Todd Stuart of
Sangamon County, they lodged at the same boarding house. Douglas was a
representative from Morgan County, and Browning a senator from Adams.
Each
was alarmed by the mania for public works that was capped by a statewide
internal improvements convention that met at the Vandalia statehouse a few days
before the Assembly convened in December 1835. And each opposed the plan of
Lincoln and his Sangamon County colleagues to turn the demand for projects to their
advantage. Lincoln’s “Long Nine,” so called because their average height was
over six feet, gave their votes to every public works project for each elected
representative who promised in return to vote to move the state capital to
Springfield. The Sangamon delegation won the capital but nearly bankrupted the
state in doing so. It took Gov. Thomas Ford, a prosecutor in Quincy between
1830 and 1835 and elected governor in 1842, with Douglas’s help, to find a way
to keep the state from bankruptcy and restore its credit.
Fiscally conservative, Browning was one
of eight state senators who voted against internal improvements. Douglas had
attempted to stall Lincoln’s logrolling but was outmaneuvered by him. Douglas’s
chokehold on Lincoln was his threat to reveal a promise Lincoln made to his
constituents that he failed to keep. Lincoln trumped him, however, by telling
Douglas’s project-hungry constituents that their legislator was not
representing their interests. Morgan County voters sent Douglas an “instruction”
to vote for internal improvements or resign. Under the Jacksonian “doctrine of
instruction” of the time, Douglas had to do one or the other. Ambitious and
with the scent of higher office in his nostrils, he voted for internal
improvements.
Browning used that vote against Douglas
during their congressional campaign of 1843. As the Democratic leader, Browning
charged, Douglas was largely responsible for internal improvement costs that
burdened the state. Douglas responded that he had tried to slow the logrolling
in Vandalia and argued that he had voted only as his constituents had
instructed. Browning repeated the charge at every stop.
Browning envied the rapport
Douglas had with his audiences and regretted that he was unable to emulate it. As
a circuit judge based in Quincy, Douglas for nearly three years had traveled
throughout the circuit’s 11 counties. His judicial district’s boundaries were
similar to the congressional district’s.
He
had a capacious memory for the names of nearly every person he met on his
circuit and every baby whose forehead he kissed. He had learned how sweetly
their own names sounded to his constituents and how grateful they were to the
politician who could remember them. He knew why his constituents were attached
to him. In an autobiographical sketch, Douglas wrote, “I live with my
constituents, eat with my constituents, drink with them, lodge with them, pray
with them, laugh, hunt, dance and work with them. I eat their corn dodgers and
fried bacon and sleep two in a bed with them.”
That was not in Browning’s
character. Although he was a fluent speaker, well known, and a highly esteemed
lawyer, there was an air of superiority about him that he could not shake, even
when he exchanged his ruffled-sleeved white shirts for Kentucky blue denim.
Browning was not loved, said Gustave Koerner, a leading German immigrant who
served with him in the legislature.
Browning and Douglas finished the
campaign with debates in Liberty, Clayton, Houston, and Marcelline. Browning
admitted that he was exhausted. The Quincy Whig reported he had taken to bed
“dangerously ill.” The newspaper complained that the Democrats were circulating
a rumor that Browning had died.
Legislative redistricting that
followed Illinois’ booming population denied the approximately 5,000 Mormon
votes that Prophet Joseph Smith had promised Douglas in 1841. The southern
border of Hancock County was drawn as the boundary between the Fifth and the
new Sixth Congressional District. Though Douglas did not get those votes, he
persuaded Smith to deliver them to Democrat Joseph Hoge, who won in the Sixth
District.
Fifth District voters chose
Douglas by 461 votes, 8,641 to 8,180. It was the narrowest margin of victory of
the congressional contests. Douglas’s Democrats won every congressional seat
except the First’s, where his old nemesis John J. Hardin of Jacksonville,
nephew of Henry Clay, won. Browning won Adams County by 358 votes.
As they began their 1843 contest,
Browning and Douglas promised each other they would not violate “courtesies and
proprieties of life.” They would not allow their campaigns to become personal.
Years later, as a U.S. senator, Browning in his eulogy at Douglas’s death on
June 3, 1861, remembered their 1843 campaign.
“I am proud to say that the compact was kept on both sides. During the campaign, not one unkind word or discourteous act passed between us and we closed the canvass with the friendly relations which had previously subsisted undisturbed, and maintained them, without interruption, to the day of his death.”
Sources
Ankrom, Reg. Stephen A. Douglas: The Political Apprenticeship, 1833-1843. Jefferson, North
Carolina: McFarland Publishing Co., 2015, 88, 182-184.
“Quincy’s Gov. Ford Saves State’s Reputation,” Quincy Herald-Whig. April 15, 2014, 5.
Baxter, Maurice Baxter. Orville H. Browning. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1957, 43,
44, 51.
Browning, Orville Hickman. “Address of Mr. Browning of Illinois,” Addresses on the Death of
Hon. Stephen A. Douglas, Delivered in the Senate and House of Representatives on
Tuesday, July 9, 1861. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1861, 27.
Ford, Thomas. A History of Illinois from Its Commencement as a State in 1818 to 1847. Chicago:
Lakeside Press, 1945, 2:154.
Miller, Richard Lawrence. Lincoln and His World: Prairie Politician, 1834-1842.
Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 2008, 103.
Milton, George Fort. Eve of Conflict: Stephen A. Douglas and the Needless War. Boston:
Houghton Mifflin, 1934, 21.
Pease, Theodore Calvin. Illinois Election Returns, 1818-1848. Springfield: Illinois State
Historical Society, 1923, 139.
Pratt, Harry E. “The Division of Sangamon County,” Journal of the Illinois State Historical
Society. Springfield: Phillips Brothers Printers, 1954, 403.
Quincy Daily Whig, August 9, 1843, 2.
Simon, Paul. Lincoln’s Preparation for Greatness: The Illinois Legislative Years. Urbana:
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